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1 OMRI Daily Digest - 1 February 1995 (mind)  61 sor     (cikkei)
2 CET - 2 February 1995 (mind)  239 sor     (cikkei)
3 CET - 1 February 1995 (mind)  273 sor     (cikkei)

+ - OMRI Daily Digest - 1 February 1995 (mind) VÁLASZ  Feladó: (cikkei)

No. 23, 1 February 1995

The Organization for Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE) fact-finding
mission has condemned the "disproportionate and indiscriminate" Russian use
of military force against Chechnya. The head of the mission, Hungarian
diplomat Istvan Gyarmati, said the situation in Chechnya borders on
"catastrophe," according to international agencies. The delegation will
report to OSCE headquarters on 2 February. Gyarmati has said he will urge
early elections in Chechnya, so that "the Chechen people's legitimate
representatives can hold talks on the status of the republic within the
Russian Federation." Russian authorities have fully cooperated with the
OSCE, according to Gyarmati. Speaking on 31 January with Willy Wimmer,
deputy chairman of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, State Duma Speaker Ivan
Rybkin defended the Russian military by stressing that when troops "came
into contact with the most modern weapons," they "were forced to respond
accordingly," ITAR TASS reported. Some Russian media also took a different
view of the OSCE mission than the Western press. The daily Izvestiya ran
this headline on 31 January: "After Chechnya, OSCE Delegation 'Sympathizes'
With Russia." The article stressed Gyarmati's comment that the territorial
integrity of Russia must be preserved. -- Michael Mihalka, OMRI, Inc.
As of 12:00 CET
Compiled by Victor Gomez
HUNGARIAN COURT RULINGS ON 1956 CRIMES. Two members of the former Hungarian
communist militia were sentenced to five years in prison for their role in
shooting and killing at least 46 unarmed demonstrators on 8 December 1956
in Salgotarjan, MTI reports. The judge cited the New York Convention of
1968, according to which crimes against humanity committed in peace time
must also be prosecuted. These are the first convictions for crimes
committed during the 1956 revolution. Seven of the 12 men charged with the
killings were acquitted because of lack of evidence; and charges against
three others were dropped. Both the prosecution and the defense have the
right to appeal. The Budapest Military Court on 27 January dropped charges
against two military officers accused of ordering a pilot to shoot into a
crowd of unarmed demonstrators in Tiszakecske on 27 October 1956. The court
ruled that the 1949 Geneva International Convention on crimes against
humanity did not cover internal conflicts. It is estimated that some 1,000
unarmed demonstrators were killed by communists in 1956. -- Edith Oltay,
OMRI, Inc.

[As of 1200 CET]

Compiled by  Jan Cleave

A tovabbterjesztest a New York-i szekhelyu Magyar Emberi Jogok
Alapitvany tamogatja.

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Reposting is supported by Hungarian Human Rights Foundation News
and Information Service.
+ - CET - 2 February 1995 (mind) VÁLASZ  Feladó: (cikkei)

02 February 1995
Volume 2, Issue 24


  Central and East European countries have moved a step closer to
  membership in the European Union.  Yesterday so-called Europe
  Agreements took effect between the EU and the Czech Republic,
  Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria.   Poland and Hungary have had
  similar arrangements with the EU in place for a year.  The
  Europe Agreements provide for close political dialogue between
  the EU and each country, establish a free market in industrial
  goods and give preferential treatment to agricultural
  products.  EU leaders have agreed that countries with Europe
  Agreements can eventually join, but no date has been set for
  membership negotiations to start.

  Twenty-one countries signed the Convention for the Protection
  of National Minorities yesterday in Strasbourg, France.  The
  agreement is sponsored by the Council of Europe.  Among the
  signatories are Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovenia and
  Lithuania.  The convention is an attempt by the Council of
  Europe to solve the problem of the status of minorities.  But
  it still needs to be ratified by the Parliaments of at least
  12 of the signatory countries before it goes into effect. That
  could take many years.  The convention is also very limited.
  It does call for the respect of minority languages and
  cultures and the right to a different education.  It also
  forbids forced integration of minorities.  But the convention
  doesn't spell out what constitutes a minority and the
  signatory countries may use that loophole to avoid enforcing
  it.  Hungary and Romania, for example, have a running dispute
  over the large Hungarian minority living in Romania.  Romanian
  nationalists want to outlaw the Hungarian Democratic Union of
  Romania Party, which represents the country's Hungarian
  minority. But at least minorities like the Hungarians will now
  have a legal document to fall back on when asserting their
  rights.--Thierry Leveque


  Hungarian stocks bounced back yesterday, as investors re-bought
  many of the shares they'd dumped earlier this week.  The
  Budapest exchange rose 19.74 points, to close at 1,179.18.
  But analysts say the reversal could be temporary.  The index
  dropped dramatically on Monday and Tuesday on the weekend news
  of Finance Minister Laszlo Bekesi's resignation.  Some traders
  say Monday's and Tuesday's sessions were over-reactions.  The
  resulting drops in price brought out the bargain hunters.

  The Hungarian food cannery Globus plans to set up a joint
  venture in Russia to sell its products.  The company's
  commercial director Ferenc Kuti says an agreement may be
  signed in the next couple of months.  He says Globus would
  have a 51 percent stake in the venture.  Kuti refused to name
  his company's potential Russian partner.  The company already
  has an office in Moscow, and plans to market its foods and
  juices in several former Soviet states.


  By David Fondler

  Air fares to Britain should stay down until the end of March.
  If you're planning a trip, you may find regional carriers can
  match the low rates of standard-setting British Airways.
  Chris Warrington heads up ESO Leisure Travel in Budapest.  He
  says the fares between London and Central Europe are pretty
  much the same at this time, no matter what city you're in:

  "The rates out of London to Budapest are averaging out about
  $250 U-S, Prague, $240, Warsaw $260."

  Warrington says local airlines -- Hungary's Malev, the Czech
  Republic's CSA and LOT in Poland -- are all flying
  western-made airplanes, typically Boeings, and generally offer
  flights to London as frequently as British Airways. But, if
  you're traveling to the north of England, or Scotland, it may
  take you a while.  That's because you'll probably want to fly
  into Manchester, and

  "British Airways does not provide direct service to any of these
  destinations out of Manchester, I'm afraid."

  Indirect fares to Manchester run about $370 out of Warsaw and
  $365 from Budapest.  These flights now involve a change of
  planes in northern Europe, London, Amsterdam or Brussels, for
  example.  Currently, there's one direct flight between
  Manchester and the region, and that's into Prague.  It's on
  CSA three times a week, and the fares start at $285, round
  trip.  During the summer, there'll be five flights a week, and
  LOT will begin direct service between Manchester and Warsaw.
  Warrington says there are no plans for any direct connections
  between Manchester and Budapest.

  "I don't think British Airways will pick up on it, although
  I've been asking and asking for them to do so, but Malev may
  do.  But it just is their lack of aircraft at the moment."

  Sometimes a non-local carrier is your best bet to Manchester.
  The Dutch airline KLM, for example has a deal with the British
  carrier UK Air, for flights out of Amsterdam.  Smaller British
  carriers like UK Air or British Midland can also connect
  European travelers to smaller British destinations, like
  Leeds, Birmingham or Glasgow.

  But to catch these low rates, you have to travel now.  Fares
  have been known to go up by about 30 percent, once the warm
  weather kicks in.


  By David Fink

  The 20th Century hasn't been kind to European liberal parties,
  who have been eclipsed across the continent by their social
  democratic and conservative rivals. Hungary, with two strong
  liberal parties, has been an exception.  But as Parliament
  started its spring session this week, some observers were
  saying Hungary's political scene was looking increasingly
  bi-polar, with the liberal parties evaporating into political
  blocs led by conservatives and socialists. The former student
  radical Viktor Orban had a friendly meeting with old rival
  Ivan Szabo last week.  That would have been almost unthinkable
  a couple of years ago.  Orban's the leader of the liberal
  Young Democrats while Szabo's Hungarian Democratic Forum Party
  stands for a conservative christian democracy.  But it's a sign
  of the times in Hungary's Parliament as the liberal parties,
  the Federation of Young Democrats and the Alliance of Free
  Democrats, move in opposite directions.  Since the Free
  Democrats joined the Socialists in a coalition government,
  following last spring's elections, the Young Democrats have
  decided to cooperate with the conservatives.  Many say this
  could set the stage for the emergence of a political system
  with only two competeing blocs.  Imre Konya is the Hungarian
  Democratic Forum's deputy faction leader.

  "It's true that a bi-polar political system has been forming.
  There's a left-wing bloc consisting of the Socialist Party and
  the Alliance of Free Democrats and the other pole is the
  (middle class) opposition consisting of the Young Democrats, the
  Christian Democrats and the Hungarian Democratic Forum."

  But Konya says a bi-polar system doesn't mean a two party
  system.  He thinks a French style conservative alliance, in
  which the parties keep their identities, will form in Hungary.
   Political analyst Attila Agh agrees that parties will want to
  keep their own identities.  As far as the conservatives go, he
  says there are many roadblocks to a merger.

  "Any merger, even half steps, would increase the competition of
  the party leaders, who can become the number one, the top
  leader and so on.  And secondly the memberships have been
  trained, socialized and mobilized and so on in terms of having
  the other parties as strong competitors."

  Agh adds that on the left, the Socialists and the Free Democrats
  will never merge because of their hostile past.  The current
  governing coalition is like fire and water.  The Free
  Democrats grew out of Hungary's dissident movement while the
  Socialists are the communist successor party.  Socialist Party
  Executive Council member Gyorgy Foldes says while the parties
  are partners in government they are not partners in spirit.

  "I am very determined from that point of view that the Socialist
  Party is not the same as the Free Democrats and the other way
  around of course is true, too.  The Socialist party is not
  interested in a union with the Free Democrats absolutely."

  In fact, the coalition partners rarely seem to agree on
  anything.  They have openly fought over issues ranging from
  privatization to media policy, leading to gridlock within the
  coalition.  Free Democrats are unhappy and say the coalition
  problems have reached a critical stage with the resignation of
  Finance Minister Laszlo Bekesi last weekend and Prime Minister
  Gyula Horn's subsequent comments which appear to indicate he
  wants more control of privatization.  Yesterday Free Democrat
  spokesman Kristof Varga said, "If we see that the agreed
  economic program can't be carried through then there is no
  point in continuing the coalition." Free Democrat Executive
  Council member Alajos Dornbach says his party might even form
  a coalition with conservatives after the next election.

  "In principle I can imagine anything in a democracy.  We of
  course don't know what the political map will look like after
  the next election.  Under the present circumstances the
  Socialist Party has an absolute majority by itself, against
  which another coalition can't be set up.  After the next
  election it can, of course, happen."

  With that kind of pragmatism, Hungary seems a long way from a
  bi-polar political system.  Party identity and rivalry remains
  strong in Hungary's Parliament.  And politicians are willing
  to shift sides to advance their party's interest.


* CET On-Line - copyright 1995 Word Up! Inc. All rights reserved.
  This publication may be freely forwarded, archived, or
  otherwise distributed in electronic format only so long as
  this notice, and all other information contained in this
  publication is included.  For-profit distribution of this
  publication or the information contained herein is strictly
  prohibited.  For more information, contact the publishers.

A tovabbterjesztest a New York-i szekhelyu Magyar Emberi Jogok
Alapitvany tamogatja.

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Reposting is supported by Hungarian Human Rights Foundation News
and Information Service.

+ - CET - 1 February 1995 (mind) VÁLASZ  Feladó: (cikkei)

01 February 1995
Volume 2, Issue 23


  For the first time, Hungarian citizens have been convicted of
  crimes stemming from the 1956 uprising against the Soviet
  Union.  Yesterday the Budapest Municipal Court sentenced two
  elderly men to five years in prison for crimes against
  humanity for their part in putting down anti-Soviet
  demonstrations in a small town in northern Hungary.  Both the
  prosecution and defense have the right to appeal.  On December
  8, 1956, a crowd gathered in the center of the northern
  Hungarian mining town of Salgotarjan, angry at the presence of
  the Soviet tanks and troops which had brutally crushed the
  anti-communist uprising earlier that autumn.  Ferenc Toldi and
  Lajos Orosz were members of Hungary's communist militia, so
  when the order was given to shoot on the demonstrators, they
  did.  According to official figures 47 people died and over 80
  were wounded.  Now, after 40 years of silence, many have
  argued it's too late to bring those responsible to trial, but
  others are determined to see justice done.  Although Hungary
  has a 20-year limit on bringing criminal charges, the
  Constitutional Court has ruled that the killings should be
  deemed as "crimes against humanity" so the perpetrators can
  still be prosecuted and it's possible that the Salgotarjan
  verdict will be the first in a series of similar
  covictions.  --Lucy Hooker

  Hungary has publically invited the International Swimming
  Federation to carry out drug tests on its swimmers.  The
  Hungarian Olympic Committee has sent the Federation a
  letter saying the tests can be done at Hungary's training
  camps in the United States and South Africa.  The letter said
  that because of the fact that Hungary has produced some
  world champion swimmers "certain circles have
  questioned their being clean".


  Hungarian Prime Minister Gyula Horn attacked the planned
  privatization of Hungary's utilities yesterday and indicated
  the government wants more control over central bank policy.
  Horn told the newspaper Nepszabadsag that Hungary shouldn't be
  dependent on foreign or domestic private companies for its
  energy supply.  But he didn't say the privatization of
  utilities would be stopped.  Horn also says the National Bank
  should coordinate important actions with the government.  He
  maintains the bank's decision to raise the bench mark base
  interest rate by three points last week, to 28 percent, will
  affect Hungary's budget deficit by raising the cost of debt
  repayments.  Analyst Martin Gollner of Nomura Securities in
  London says Horn's statement won't make foreign investors

  "I am especially concerned about the remark about the National
  Bank which suggests the government would like to use the bank
  as its own instrument rather than maintaining the independence
  of the central bank.  This has been crucial over the past few
  years and will be equally crucial for further development."

  International investors will also be looking closely at a new
  privatization bill introduced yesterday in Parliament by
  Finance Minister Laszlo Bekesi.  He says all state-owned
  companies will be sold by 1998.  But Bekesi didn't mention
  Horn's idea for a new privatization minister.  That proposal
  apparently helped prompted the finance minister's resignation,
  which is effective March 1.  --David Fink


  by David Fondler
  in cooperation with Business Central Europe magazine

  Should you buy a Rolls Royce or a compact economy car?  It
  depends on what you're in the market for.  Both cars will take
  you places, and both say different things about the driver.
  That's how one Budapest-based accounting executive contrasted
  the high-priced services of his multi-national firm with those
  of smaller, local accountants.  Both offer results -- but what
  comes with those results -- packaging, prestige and reputation
  -- says as much about the client as its auditors.

  Sandor Denes runs Denes and Daughter -- a small Budapest-based
  accounting firm.  He says he can offer the same services for
  less money than the larger multi-national firms, but he
  doesn't even bother to compete with them:

  "We have to accept the rules here in the Hungarian market. A
  multi-national huge company like IBM, Coca-Cola or let's say,
  General Motors, they have the same auditor company everywhere
  in the world, in South Africa, or Australia or Canada, whole
  world contracts with let's say a Price Waterhouse."

  But Denes also says the small to medium-sized companies who do
  use his services are satisfied.  He maintains he has an
  advantage not only in price, but also in being more up-to-date
  on Hungarian tax law than some of the larger accounting firms.
  Denes says larger companies are sometimes too diverse in their
  services -- preparing separate analyses for local tax purposes
  and for corporate headquarters back home.

  This point is disputed by David Thompson, a partner at KPMG
  Hungary. Thompson says that among his firm's many large local
  and multi-national clients is the Hungarian government itself.

  "If you look back to December, the government announced the new
  taxes for 1995, and before those were enacted we were making
  recommendations to the government."

  KPMG came to Budapest in 1989 with a crew of ex-pat auditors.
  The firm arrived on the heals of some of its multi-national
  clients.  Since then, it's courted a number of large local
  corporations, and hired a mostly local staff of accountants.
  Similar situations developed as the firm expanded to the Czech
  Republic, Poland and other former communist countries.

  Five years ago, things were much more difficult.  Bela Papp,
  editor at Business Central Europe magazine, has followed the
  development of accounting services over the years.  He says in
  charting this new territory, both accountants and their
  clients found they had a lot to learn:

  "When the western firms arrived, they arrived in an environment
  where western-style accounting did not exist.  Everybody was
  at the bottom of the learning curve, not only the accountants,
  but the local tax authorities, the local companies and the
  local CFOs, in fact the position of Chief Financial Officer
  was unheard of."

  But all that has changed.  Increasingly, local firms are
  realizing that sophisticated bookkeeping can save money.  So,
  analysis and advice have become part of the audit.  So it
  seems for both large and small accounting firms have found
  their level in this new market.  And in many cases, defining
  the level of service goes beyond meeting the needs of the
  client, it means defining the demands of a changing economy.


  by Emanuelle Richard

  The Hungarian government is in charge of more than 23,000
  orphans and underpriveliged children.  Most of them are kept
  in institutions until the age of 18.  Eight thousand are
  entrusted to families.  Due to the lack of funds, the public
  welfare system must rely more and more on foster parents.

  Anna Nemes is a foster parent who's raised 30 children in the
  last 25 years.  Just look in her wallet, which is full of
  photographs of foster children.  Right now, Nemes has 18 under
  her wing.  They share six dorm-like rooms in a tiny two story
  house.  It's a lot of work for the 49-year-old foster mother
  whose hair has already turned white.

  "I get up at 5:30 to make breakfast.  Every morning I need six
  liters of milk and four kilograms of bread.  Then, we wake up
  some of the children at six, the others 15 minutes later so
  that each of them can go to the bathroom in rotation."

  Nemes has been an official guardian since 1989.  She can now be
  in charge of 20 abandoned children at a time.  Under
  communism, she only cared for four or five at once.  Most of
  the children have experienced violence and pain.  This is
  apparent in their behavior, Nemes explains.

  "Although the children get along well together, they quite often
  show aggresiveness. In a way, I like them to quarrel and
  release their tensions.  It's a good sign. I would worry if
  they were as good as gold.  They would be playing an unsuited

  But these tensions aren't as big a problem as money.  Nemes
  receives only $1,000 a month to care for the children.  This
  includes the $180 Nemes gets from the local public welfare
  office.  She says she barely has enough to feed the children
  let alone buy what they need for an education.

  "Every year at the beginning of term, I have to pay 60,000
  forints, more than three months of my salary for books and
  supplies.  A box of colored pencils doesn't last more two
  days.  The children hand them around and play with them and
  soon there is nothing left."

  Lajos Krizsovensky is Vice-President of Hungary's Child
  Protection Services for the Pest region.  He says giving the
  children a proper education is an ongoing problem, but his
  first priority is giving them a good home.  Since all the
  children Nemes has raised have received diplomas,
  Krizsovenszky says some things must be overlooked.

  "From an education point of view, we are not sure Nemes is a
  good example to follow. The ideal foster family would only
  have three to five children at once.  But on the other hand,
  Anna Nemes is a wonderful woman and the children seem to feel
  very well in her house."

  Nemes met her first foster child while teaching Hungarian
  literature in a small town in Central Hungary.  A 13-year-old
  girl at the school had no place to live.  Her agressive
  behavior made it difficult to find her a suitable home.  Nemes
  says she wanted to help and took the girl in.  As a result,
  Nemes' husband abandoned her and their two natural born
  children.  Now it's a family decision when a new foster child
  joins the group.  Little Jozsi explains.

  "Sometimes Mummy is asked to welcome another child to our house.
   When it happens she gathers us together in the living room.
  Then she tells us what it's about and we finally vote by a
  show of hands."

  When talking about their future, some of the children say they
  want to become foster parents someday.  Despite the daily
  struggle, Nemes keeps smiling.  Her only worry is what would
  happen to the children in the event of her own death.


* CET On-Line - copyright 1995 Word Up! Inc. All rights reserved.
  This publication may be freely forwarded, archived, or
  otherwise distributed in electronic format only so long as
  this notice, and all other information contained in this
  publication is included.  For-profit distribution of this
  publication or the information contained herein is strictly
  prohibited.  For more information, contact the publishers.


A tovabbterjesztest a New York-i szekhelyu Magyar Emberi Jogok

Alapitvany tamogatja.

           [*]   [*]  [*]   [*]  [*][*]    [*][*][*]

           [*]   [*]  [*]   [*]  [*]  [*]  [*]

           [*][*][*]  [*][*][*]  [*][*]    [*][*] 

           [*]   [*]  [*]   [*]  [*]  [*]  [*]    

           [*]   [*]  [*]   [*]  [*]   [*] [*]

Reposting is supported by Hungarian Human Rights Foundation News

and Information Service.